These studies suggest that racial appeals may no longer need to be implicit to engage white prejudice as explicit references to racial stereotypes may have become more socially acceptable ( Valentino et al. Other research, however, has called into question whether implicit racial appeals are more effective than explicit appeals, including two studies employing experimental designs and large, nationally representative samples ( Huber and Lapinski 2006 Valentino, Neuner, and Vandenbroek 2018). 2002), crime ( Domke 2001 Gilliam and Iyengar 2000 Hurwitz and Peffley 2005 Mendelberg 1997, 2001), and health care ( Tesler 2012). A large body of research has found that subtle elite cues harness racial prejudice and sway white Americans’ political opinions on a range of issues, including welfare ( Mendelberg 1997, 2001 Peffley, Hurwitz, and Sniderman 1997), food stamps ( White 2007), government spending ( Valentino et al. Dog-whistle effects are hypothesized to be central to the way race operates in contemporary American politics, with white Americans’ latent racial prejudices brought to bear on their policy attitudes despite strong norms of egalitarianism and colorblindness in American political culture ( Mendelberg 2001). Many scholars argue that messages such as these-ones in which race is not explicitly mentioned but instead is cued through coded language or accompanying visuals-subtly connect racial prejudice to whites’ views of policies and candidates, a process commonly referred to as “dog whistling” ( Haney-López 2014 Mendelberg 2001 Valentino, Hutchings, and White 2002). We conclude by discussing implications for contemporary American politics, presenting representative survey data showing that racially resentful, white liberals were particularly likely to switch from voting for Barack Obama in 2012 to Donald Trump in 2016. We also find evidence that the same group occasionally responded to explicit racial appeals even though these appeals were recognized as racially insensitive. ![]() That dog-whistle effects would be concentrated among liberals was not predicted in advance, but this finding appears across two experiments testing effects of racial appeals in policy domains-welfare and gun control-that differ in the extent and ways they have been previously racialized. Our findings suggest that implicit racial appeals can harness racial resentment to influence policy views, though specifically among racially resentful white liberals. ![]() All subjects Allied Health Cardiology & Cardiovascular Medicine Dentistry Emergency Medicine & Critical Care Endocrinology & Metabolism Environmental Science General Medicine Geriatrics Infectious Diseases Medico-legal Neurology Nursing Nutrition Obstetrics & Gynecology Oncology Orthopaedics & Sports Medicine Otolaryngology Palliative Medicine & Chronic Care Pediatrics Pharmacology & Toxicology Psychiatry & Psychology Public Health Pulmonary & Respiratory Medicine Radiology Research Methods & Evaluation Rheumatology Surgery Tropical Medicine Veterinary Medicine Cell Biology Clinical Biochemistry Environmental Science Life Sciences Neuroscience Pharmacology & Toxicology Biomedical Engineering Engineering & Computing Environmental Engineering Materials Science Anthropology & Archaeology Communication & Media Studies Criminology & Criminal Justice Cultural Studies Economics & Development Education Environmental Studies Ethnic Studies Family Studies Gender Studies Geography Gerontology & Aging Group Studies History Information Science Interpersonal Violence Language & Linguistics Law Management & Organization Studies Marketing & Hospitality Music Peace Studies & Conflict Resolution Philosophy Politics & International Relations Psychoanalysis Psychology & Counseling Public Administration Regional Studies Religion Research Methods & Evaluation Science & Society Studies Social Work & Social Policy Sociology Special Education Urban Studies & Planning BROWSE JOURNALSĭo appeals that subtly invoke negative racial stereotypes shift whites’ political attitudes by harnessing their racial prejudice? Though widely cited in academic and popular discourse, prior work finds conflicting evidence for this “dog-whistle hypothesis.” Here we test the hypothesis in two experiments (total N = 1,797) in which white Americans’ racial attitudes were measured two weeks before they read political messages in which references to racial stereotypes were implicit, explicit, or not present at all.
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